A Democratic Debacle: Lessons from Namibia’s 2024 Elections

Much about the organisation of the 2024 Presidential and National Assembly elections is simply inexplicable.

How could the Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN) have planned so poorly for such a critical event?

We have known since the voter registration drive in June and July, during which 90% of the eligible voting-age population registered, that a high turnout was likely.

These figures also indicated which areas of the country had the highest levels of voter interest.

Yet, the ECN proceeded with small tents, a limited number of polling booths and unrealistic schedules for mobile polling station stops.

This was compounded by overheating electronic devices, battery failures, poorly trained officials in some areas and the elaborate folding of ballot papers.

The result? Voters moving through polling stations at a snail’s pace.

Then came the shortage of ballot papers at various places.

The data from the voter registration process should have been used to anticipate and allocate additional ballots to polling stations likely to experience higher demand.

WARNING SIGNS

The warning signs about the ECN’s capacity and readiness were evident in advance.

The mismanagement of the ballot printing tender was an indication that the commission struggled to adhere to the basic timelines outlined in its electoral calendar and annual procurement plan.

Equally concerning was the commission’s response to criticism regarding the tender process – resorting to defensiveness and denial rather than directly addressing valid concerns.

Some may argue that the chaotic nature of this election was deliberate – an alleged attempt to disenfranchise opposition supporters while making voting easier in ruling party strongholds (something that comes out of the Zanu-PF playbook).

At the moment and until other evidence emerges to that effect, I lean towards blaming incompetence rather than conspiracy.

The ECN’s mishandling of the election seems more like a series of serious blunders rather than a calculated strategy.

If the opposition wishes to substantiate claims of voter suppression, they will need to present detailed statistical evidence and collect testimonies from affected voters to build a credible case.

CRISIS OF CONFIDENCE

What’s indisputable is that the ECN’s mishandling of the election has deeply eroded public trust in Namibia’s democracy.

For many first-time voters, the excitement of participating in a democratic process was extinguished by waves of official incompetence.

Who can blame them for vowing never to participate again?

What happens next as regards the commission and its senior staff will have to wait until any legal challenges around this election have been resolved.

But what is clear is that aspects of the Electoral Act of 2014 will need to be overhauled.
Principally, this concerns moving away from the notion that Namibia is ‘one constituency’ and that people can vote wherever they like.

One of the ECN’s most significant failures in this election was its inability to effectively plan for the ‘vote anywhere’ approach.

Aside from the filling out of Form 39 at polling stations, there seemed to be no means of monitoring the tendered vote (people casting ballots outside their home constituencies).

Indeed, many voters did not have constituencies listed on the voters’ cards.

If there is to be a reconciliation of ballots for this election it will be hard if not impossible to trace where all these votes came from.

This makes the process vulnerable to ballot box stuffing or later manipulation of results.

This may not have happened in this instance, but such risks need to be ruled out.

SHORTCOMINGS AND SOLUTIONS

The simplest solution?
Abandon the tendered voting system and require voters to cast their ballots in their home constituencies, as is the norm in many countries.

This would enhance accountability and reduce the likelihood of ballot paper shortages as each constituency would know exactly the maximum number of registered voters they could expect to turn up.

After the dust has settled (and hopefully it will), we need to address the shortcomings in the ECN, but more fundamentally look at how the law and regulations can be improved to prevent a repeat of the chaos witnessed on 27 November and the days that followed.

Restoring public confidence in the electoral process is not optional – it’s essential for the future of Namibia’s democracy.

• • Graham Hopwood is the executive director of the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR).