The DRC Crisis: Namibia’s Military Adventure

And then, in a surprise move, the guns fell silent and the determined march on Bukavu in South Kivu came to an abrupt halt in the middle of last week, as if even M23 and the River Alliance rebels had heeded the international community’s urgent call for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire.

Could this prove to be a seminal moment in the protracted conflict in the eastern Democatic Republic of Congo (DRC)?

People were once again glued to their TV screens as the latest developments in the decades-long DRC conflict, described as one of the most devastating in modern times, played out. 

At the time of writing, the situation remains volatile on the ground.

The conflict has claimed millions of lives, displaced tens of thousands of people and destabilised the Great Lakes region.

In 1998, then president Sam Nujoma led Namibia into that war in the jungle in the ‘Heart of Africa’.

Our troops supported the government of then president Laurent-Désiré Kabila.

Were there legal grounds or was it unconstitutional? What lessons did we learn and how should we view this war spectacle?

Are we witnessing the return of never-ending proxy wars, where simmering tensions fester unabated and a possible Cold War 2.0 looms? 
BRIEF BACKGROUND

The conflict in the second largest country in Africa, has a complicated trajectory. Its mineral wealth is also its Achilles’ heel.

Some claim it is the richest piece of land on earth in terms of gold, diamonds, cobalt and coltan.

The country has faced instability since independence and the assassination of its revered first prime minister, Patrice Lumumba.

He was followed by one of Africa’s most despised dictators, Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled as a Western pawn for 32 years, leaving the country economically and politically fragmented.

The current crisis has its genesis in the Rwanda genocide.

When Paul Kagame’s Tutsi rebel group seized Kigali in 1994, a million Hutus fled to the DRC, from where they regrouped and ignited the crisis of the past 30 years. 

Several root causes converged to precipitate this vicious ‘War in the Jungle’.

The interrelated factors can be summarised as follows: A Belgium colonial legacy, marked by extreme exploitation, forced labour and artificial borders lumping together diverse ethnic groups, planting the seeds of discord.

Then there is the resource curse.

The DRC’s abundant natural resources have attracted exploitative foreign interests and fuelled corruption, insurgency and competition among about 136 armed rebel groups and neighbouring countries, especially Rwanda and Uganda.

This has been aggravated by international players because of the huge global demand for minerals, such as coltan.

Add to this decades of misrule, endemic government corruption and zero institutional capacity, deep-seated tribalism and hatred.

FAILED PEACE ATTEMPTS

The quest for lasting peace in the DRC has proven elusive.

About five peace agreements – among them the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement (1999), Inter-Congolese Dialogue (2002 – 2003), UN Peacekeeping Missions (Monuc and Monusco), Nairobi and Goma Agreements (2008) and Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework (2013) – all failed to pave the way for lasting peace.

Frequent wars have flared up in cycles from time to time, targeting civilians, peacekeepers and infrastructure.

Sexual violence has been weaponised and women and children bear the brunt of cruel atrocities on a daily basis. 

IMPORTANT LESSONS

We can draw important lessons from Namibia’s ill-considered military adventure in the DRC about 26 years ago.

• • Firstly, the situation in the DRC is far beyond our capacity. Namibia, with a comparatively insignificant and small defence force, wasted a lot of money.

It was egregious, particularly for a country with a small and fragile economy, as well as a defence force, lacking the means to make any difference on the ground.

One can only come to one conclusion and that is that we went into that war for personal gain.

• • Secondly, Namibia’s participation was illegal and not in accordance with its Constitution, relevant domestic laws, as well as international statues.

The supreme law prescribes strict conditions on military engagement, ensuring that such actions are lawful and in line with a country’s fundamental principles of peace and justice.

Article 96, outlining the principles of State Policy on Foreign Relations, enjoins us to pursue international cooperation and seeks the settlement of disputes through peaceful means.

The Constitution opposes aggression and the unlawful use of force. Furthermore, Article 115 on the defence force is narrowed to the defence of Namibia’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and national interest.

Any deployments abroad must honour this. Moreover, in terms of article 32 (3) on Constitutional Powers, the president can only declare war or a state of emergency under specific conditions, and requires parliamentary approval within a set timeframe.

As a signatory to various international treaties, including the United Nations (UN) Charter, Namibia can only engage in military engagements sanctioned by the UN and use force for self-defence. Other conditions also apply.

• • As a member of Namibia’s negotiation team, I had an inside view of the peace process. It was clear from the outset that belligerent parties were not serious or committed.

Many meetings of officials and ministers of foreign affairs and summits were used tactically for a pause in fighting to regroup militarily and for other strategic purposes.

Namibia must, at all costs, refrain from repeating that major misstep and steer clear of the lure of the huge wealth and its dangerous consequences, in the DRC.

Let SADC and the Eastern African Community take on the mission. 

• – Pius Dunaiski is a former Namibian diplomat

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