Subsidising Private Tertiary Education is Bad Public Policy

The Namibian government’s proposal to subsidise tertiary education across both public and private institutions has generated excitement in some circles. After all, any effort to expand access to higher education sounds positive on the surface. But beneath this progressive language of “inclusion” and “choice” lie real tensions of ethics, economics and philosophy.

As citizens, we should carefully examine whether public money should flow into profit-driven institutions, and whether such a model truly serves the public good or simply reinforces a capitalist framework dressed up as transformative reform. At its heart, the policy raises a simple but profound question: what is the purpose of public education funding?

If public money exists to advance collective development, reduce inequality and expand opportunity, the state must ensure that the new free tertiary funding model genuinely aligns with these outcomes. Supporting private, profit-making universities with taxpayer money threatens to undermine that alignment.

MARKET ‘LOGIC’

Private institutions, by design, operate on market logic. Their goal is not primarily to serve society but to generate revenue. Even when they offer quality programmes and produce capable graduates, their underlying motive remains tied to profit.

Public institutions such as Unam and Nust, by contrast, exist to fulfil a public mandate. The government invests heavily in them because they are central to the national development agenda. To treat both types of institutions as equal recipients of public subsidy is to blur the line between public service and private enterprise.

This blurring becomes more troubling when we consider how subsidies shape incentives. Once private institutions know that government funds will reliably flow into their accounts, it is not difficult to imagine tuition and registration fees creeping up, quality oversight weakening, and profit margins quietly expanding. The state may end up subsidising private returns rather than quality education.

This is not paranoia; it is a global pattern. Subsidies without strict controls often fuel the growth of low-quality private institutions that chase government money rather than educational excellence.

WILL IT DEEPEN THE DIVIDE?

Another concern is the broader philosophical message behind the policy. Subsidising private institutions suggests that the market – rather than the state – is the primary engine of social progress. This is a deeply capitalist idea: that competition and private enterprise will naturally produce the best outcomes.

But education is not the same as selling consumer goods. Tertiary education is tied to national capacity, cultural identity, critical thinking and long-term development. Treating it as a marketplace product is not only risky; it is conceptually misguided.

Some may argue that including private institutions will increase student choice and relieve pressure on public universities. Yet in an unequal society, choice often becomes an illusion. Wealthier students will still gravitate towards better-resourced institutions, while poorer students cluster elsewhere unless subsidies fully erase disparities, which they rarely do. Rather than fostering choice, this policy may deepen divisions between “elite” institutions and everyone else.

Namibia must also consider whether it has the administrative capacity to regulate a broad subsidy network that includes numerous private actors. Public universities are already regulated, audited and accountable to government frameworks. Extending oversight to private institutions requires robust systems to ensure that taxpayer funds are used responsibly. Without these guardrails, we risk misuse, inefficiency and unearned enrichment.

TRANSACTIONALISM

The philosophical concern goes deeper still. Subsidising private institutions shifts the meaning of education itself. Education becomes transactional: students become consumers, degrees become products, and institutions become vendors competing for subsidy-linked enrolments.

This framing erodes the idea of education as a public good where society cultivates citizens, thinkers and problem-solvers. When institutions are rewarded for enrolling as many students as possible, quantity overtakes quality. Lecturers become overworked, class sizes balloon, and universities risk becoming factories producing credentialed but underprepared graduates.

If the state truly wants to expand access, there are alternative paths. Strengthening public institutions is the most sustainable option. Imagine significant investment in Unam, Nust and vocational training centres: modernising facilities, hiring more lecturers, expanding campuses into underserved regions and updating curricula. Public institutions could then absorb more students without compromising standards.

Namibia could also introduce sliding-scale tuition or full public funding for priority programmes, an approach many countries have successfully implemented. These policies preserve education as a public good rather than dissolving it into a market system.

HISTORY AND EXPERIENCE

Another option is to hold private institutions to strict conditions before they receive any public funding. If government insists on including them, subsidies should require demonstrated quality, proven affordability, financial transparency and clear contributions to national development goals. Without such conditions, the policy becomes a gift rather than a strategic investment.

What Namibia cannot afford is a model that drains public resources into private hands under the banner of access. When governments fund for-profit enterprises, they outsource social responsibility and hope the market will deliver equity. History suggests otherwise. Markets deliver profit first; equity comes later, if at all.

This model assumes competition will guarantee quality and that private actors will naturally serve the public good. Yet education thrives not through profit logic, but through stable public investment, shared values and collective vision.

Namibia must decide whether to reinforce education’s public mission or allow universities to become businesses competing for state-funded customers. The question is not just about subsidies, but about the kind of society we want to build.

• Ndumba Kamwanyah (PhD) is a public policy expert focusing on social welfare, development and democracy. He is also a peace and reconciliation scholar.

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