The Historiography Of An Authoritarian Mindset

Sam Nujoma, leader of the national liberation movement Swapo since its foundation in 1960, took at Independence of Namibia in 1990 the oath as first Head of State for a maximum of two legislative periods of five years each.

Thanks to a two-thirds majority of his party in Parliament, the first constitutional amendment allowed him a third term until 2005. For this initiative he was dubbed as founder of the “third-term movement”.Approaching his mid-70s, he indicated his willingness to stay in office even longer if the people were to ask him.Some people did.But a lot did not.From struggle to governance Sam Nujoma’s memoirs ‘Where Others Wavered’ were turned into Namibia’s biggest movie so far.His memories of the struggle days can be considered a kind of official, ‘nation-building’ history – at least for the time being in the absence of any counter-claims and challenges to the dominant patterns of ‘patriotic history’ emerging.The historiography reveals insights into the authoritarian mindset of freedom fighters shaped as a product of oppression and armed resistance.Remarkably, Nujoma managed to occupy the commanding height for almost half a century.It is consequently not surprising that the calibre of statesmanship displayed was not always representative of democratic principles and virtues.Public performances, particularly since the mid-1990s, revealed Nujoma’s growing intolerance with regard to dissenting views and his self-righteousness, both at home and in the international arena.A visible sign of such autocratic tendencies was also his growing brotherhood bond with his peer in neighbouring Zimbabwe.This fraternity was not least supported by their shared annoyance over the worldwide celebrity status enjoyed by another ‘old hand’ further South joining their ranks as a ‘latecomer’.Another glue was their shared companionship with Laurent Kabila and their support to his short-lived reign, a solidarity dating back to the struggle days in exile.To exit or not to exit? Nujoma’s third term in office was supported widely.Stakeholders included relevant agents of class outside of Swapo, who preferred to keep the devil they knew in power rather than opting for an unknown alternative.Given this emergent consensus, the third term was never seriously divisive.Its implementation did not even require any legally dubious procedures.With its two-thirds parliamentary majority, Swapo was able to properly pass the necessary constitutional amendment.The question was more so, whether Nujoma was prepared to vacate office in March 2005: Evidence was originally pointing in another direction.Only when Swapo’s Central Committee met in early April 2004 for discussing the candidate(s) for the presidential elections in mid-November did Nujoma decide to step down.He had by then mobilised a core faction willing to support him for another term.However, the pushing through of this agenda would have come at a high price and risked a split.A reportedly stressed President hence seemed to accept the party interest as above his personal ambitions, when under pressure of some of his oldest (though not closest) comrades he opted out.Enter Pohamba Nujoma’s preferred exit option became operational with the determined promotion of his long-standing loyal confidante Hifikepunye Pohamba as his successor.Rather early during the third term, Nujoma had made strategically relevant recruitments for this scenario.Yet it turned out to be a longer and more winding road to reach the goal than assumed.The president was confronted with much harsher realities of internal party power struggles than expected, although he had tried his best to play it safe.He subsequently had to endure some sobering experiences.His personal choice had to be pushed through at high cost, provoking unprecedented rivalries and purges during the process of nominating the party’s candidate in mid-2004 to be elected at the end of the same year as next head of state.Since taking his oath at Independence Day on 21 March 2005, Pohamba is confronted with the difficult task to heal the wounds that a bitter power struggle had left behind.This is not made easier with his predecessor not opting out of politics.Sam Nujoma remains president of Swapo and defines his retirement as a move to the party headquarters (which ensures his further influence and control over decisive policy matters).It is therefore another question to what extent this is indeed a departure from the commanding heights of national politics.At least until 2007 he will remain in power over the party, when delegates at the next congress will elect a new leadership (which could well be the old one).Until then, it remains an ongoing discussion not only in terms of protocol who is when considered more relevant: the country’s head of state or the party’s president.Exit Nujoma? Sam Nujoma might have chosen the appropriate moment in time to enter the textbooks for Namibian generations to come as the elder statesman who has personified to a large extent the struggle for Independence and the formation of the Namibian nation.Given his strategically central role as president of the party, much depends on his further political behaviour.His departure, at least in part, was sweetened by a golden handshake enacted before he retired as head of state: as ex-president, Nujoma enjoys a generous package.It includes the same tax-free pension as the salary of the president in office, several vehicles, a generous office and numerous other fringe benefits, not least close to 30 public servants taking care of his personal affairs and his wellbeing.Currently portraits of both Pohamba and Nujoma are decorating public offices as a result of a Cabinet decision.The movie based on his struggle memoirs will cost some 15 million US$ and is funded mainly from taxpayers’ money transferred to Hollywood accounts.It has not been the last gesture of honour bestowed upon the ‘old man’.Less costly but even more relevant symbolically, Namibia’s Parliament is now expected to pass a bill conferring upon Nujoma the official title ‘Founding Father of the Namibian Nation’.Elevated to such immortal status, he should finally consider abstaining from daily Namibian politics, instead of risking damaging his reputation further.* Henning Melber is Research Director at The Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala, Sweden.He co-edited with Roger Southall the volume ‘Legacies of Power: Political Transitions and Former Presidents in Africa’, published by HSRC Press and The Nordic Africa Institute in November 2005.For this initiative he was dubbed as founder of the “third-term movement”.Approaching his mid-70s, he indicated his willingness to stay in office even longer if the people were to ask him.Some people did.But a lot did not. From struggle to governance Sam Nujoma’s memoirs ‘Where Others Wavered’ were turned into Namibia’s biggest movie so far.His memories of the struggle days can be considered a kind of official, ‘nation-building’ history – at least for the time being in the absence of any counter-claims and challenges to the dominant patterns of ‘patriotic history’ emerging.The historiography reveals insights into the authoritarian mindset of freedom fighters shaped as a product of oppression and armed resistance.Remarkably, Nujoma managed to occupy the commanding height for almost half a century.It is consequently not surprising that the calibre of statesmanship displayed was not always representative of democratic principles and virtues.Public performances, particularly since the mid-1990s, revealed Nujoma’s growing intolerance with regard to dissenting views and his self-righteousness, both at home and in the international arena.A visible sign of such autocratic tendencies was also his growing brotherhood bond with his peer in neighbouring Zimbabwe.This fraternity was not least supported by their shared annoyance over the worldwide celebrity status enjoyed by another ‘old hand’ further South joining their ranks as a ‘latecomer’.Another glue was their shared companionship with Laurent Kabila and their support to his short-lived reign, a solidarity dating back to the str
uggle days in exile.To exit or not to exit? Nujoma’s third term in office was supported widely.Stakeholders included relevant agents of class outside of Swapo, who preferred to keep the devil they knew in power rather than opting for an unknown alternative.Given this emergent consensus, the third term was never seriously divisive.Its implementation did not even require any legally dubious procedures.With its two-thirds parliamentary majority, Swapo was able to properly pass the necessary constitutional amendment.The question was more so, whether Nujoma was prepared to vacate office in March 2005: Evidence was originally pointing in another direction.Only when Swapo’s Central Committee met in early April 2004 for discussing the candidate(s) for the presidential elections in mid-November did Nujoma decide to step down.He had by then mobilised a core faction willing to support him for another term.However, the pushing through of this agenda would have come at a high price and risked a split.A reportedly stressed President hence seemed to accept the party interest as above his personal ambitions, when under pressure of some of his oldest (though not closest) comrades he opted out.Enter Pohamba Nujoma’s preferred exit option became operational with the determined promotion of his long-standing loyal confidante Hifikepunye Pohamba as his successor.Rather early during the third term, Nujoma had made strategically relevant recruitments for this scenario.Yet it turned out to be a longer and more winding road to reach the goal than assumed.The president was confronted with much harsher realities of internal party power struggles than expected, although he had tried his best to play it safe.He subsequently had to endure some sobering experiences.His personal choice had to be pushed through at high cost, provoking unprecedented rivalries and purges during the process of nominating the party’s candidate in mid-2004 to be elected at the end of the same year as next head of state.Since taking his oath at Independence Day on 21 March 2005, Pohamba is confronted with the difficult task to heal the wounds that a bitter power struggle had left behind. This is not made easier with his predecessor not opting out of politics.Sam Nujoma remains president of Swapo and defines his retirement as a move to the party headquarters (which ensures his further influence and control over decisive policy matters).It is therefore another question to what extent this is indeed a departure from the commanding heights of national politics.At least until 2007 he will remain in power over the party, when delegates at the next congress will elect a new leadership (which could well be the old one).Until then, it remains an ongoing discussion not only in terms of protocol who is when considered more relevant: the country’s head of state or the party’s president. Exit Nujoma? Sam Nujoma might have chosen the appropriate moment in time to enter the textbooks for Namibian generations to come as the elder statesman who has personified to a large extent the struggle for Independence and the formation of the Namibian nation.Given his strategically central role as president of the party, much depends on his further political behaviour.His departure, at least in part, was sweetened by a golden handshake enacted before he retired as head of state: as ex-president, Nujoma enjoys a generous package.It includes the same tax-free pension as the salary of the president in office, several vehicles, a generous office and numerous other fringe benefits, not least close to 30 public servants taking care of his personal affairs and his wellbeing.Currently portraits of both Pohamba and Nujoma are decorating public offices as a result of a Cabinet decision.The movie based on his struggle memoirs will cost some 15 million US$ and is funded mainly from taxpayers’ money transferred to Hollywood accounts.It has not been the last gesture of honour bestowed upon the ‘old man’.Less costly but even more relevant symbolically, Namibia’s Parliament is now expected to pass a bill conferring upon Nujoma the official title ‘Founding Father of the Namibian Nation’.Elevated to such immortal status, he should finally consider abstaining from daily Namibian politics, instead of risking damaging his reputation further. * Henning Melber is Research Director at The Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala, Sweden.He co-edited with Roger Southall the volume ‘Legacies of Power: Political Transitions and Former Presidents in Africa’, published by HSRC Press and The Nordic Africa Institute in November 2005.