The Political Tide Is Turning
I REFER to the column ‘Ondjirio’ by Uazuva Kaumbi in the Windhoek Observer of January 29 2010. This writing concerns an issue of the national question in Namibia, i.e. the position of those classified as Coloureds.
It should be stated at the outset that the patronizing tone of this column was highly disturbing. Some of the arguments bordered on being racist. Kaumbi quoted the racial hogwash of Ali Mazrui about miscegenation with such great glee. The fact is that miscegenation has been practiced by all of humanity. In an essay entitled ‘Whither the Black Consciousness Movement?’ [Reflections in Prison, Mac Maharaj (ed.) (2001)], Nelson Mandela wrote “What is a myth is the theory that there is a pure race, for miscegenation has taken place throughout the world since the dawn of history.” p.49.
In any case, has Kaumbi not heard of the human genome? Has he not read that brilliant scientific theory of Charles Darwin called natural selection? Kaumbi undoubtedly seems to be blissfully ignorant of scientific thinking that easily refutes his racial mentality.
The majority of Coloureds are of Khoisan origin and in that sense they are amongst the first peoples of Namibia. They are actually more Namibian than most others.
Instead of engaging in cheap psychoanalysis about the self-esteem of Coloureds, we should accept that colonialism dented the self-confidence of all the oppressed. But then again, as an Italian philosopher argued, all human beings have intelligence. Coloureds – like any group that was oppressed – produced their great writers, poets, musicians, sportspeople, etc. and, most importantly, revolutionary intellectuals. In fact, Coloureds have made a huge contribution to left-wing politics in southern Africa and will continue to do so.
Of course, a tribalist would argue that Swapo is merely an Oshiwambo-speaking organisation, that Swanu is merely Otjiherero-speaking or that the WRP is a Coloured organization. But this is ridiculous. Organizations must start somewhere and you cannot hold the so-called tribalist label of the leadership against the organisation. A political organisation should be judged according to what it says it stands for, i.e. its constitution, its public pronouncements, its political actions and the consequences. This is how an organisation should be evaluated. And the same argument must apply to all of them. The fact is that Coloureds have been in leadership positions in a myriad of left-wing formations: the All-Africa Convention (1935), the Teachers’ League, the Unity Movement (1943), the National Liberation Front, APDUSA, SACOS, Cape Action League, Workers’ Organization for Socialist Action (WOSA), the New Unity Movement (NUM), etc. Some of these organisations are still around and their time will come.
Some left-wing organizations struggled for non-racialism long before Swapo, Swanu or the Black Consciousness Movement even existed or even before the African National Congress (ANC) became non-racial. The left-wing political principle of non-collaboration with the ruling class remains relevant today with the (temporary) hegemony of black nationalism.
So, if by self-esteem issues Kaumbi means that Coloureds do not comfortably embrace an assigned tribal identity, then he is right. Coloureds are not trapped by the dead weight of tribal traditions. They are free to express themselves in any way. The so-called tribal traditions of so many groups in Namibia are clearly remnants of imperialism and religion.
It is also true that Coloureds have never been enthusiastic about black nationalism because it is such a limited ideology and it has now served its historical purpose. Coloureds have rather supported non-racialism in very large numbers. Non-racialism is undoubtedly a much more humanising philosophy than black nationalism.
Now, if you could allow me a slight digression to illustrate a point. The story is told that in 1994 the ANC first approached two revolutionary intellectuals, Richard Dudley and Neville Alexander, for the position of minister of education. Both refused. Nelson Mandela, with his multi-racial mentality, saw them firstly as Coloured leaders.
The late Dudley, then president of the NUM, told Mandela to his face and in no uncertain terms that he did not regard himself as a Coloured leader and that he had been involved in revolutionary politics for many years:
“Now look, in the first place I am not a coloured person. I said that other people have classified me as that but I am not a coloured person. I am not a coloured leader. I said that I had for the past fifty years been associated with a political movement that does not accept these classifications, and has consistently fought to unify the people in this country and to establish a South Africa where such things are completely irrelevant… I said to him that I will never, never surrender the political position that I have been supporting for the past fifty years. I will never want people to vote as coloured persons.” [Interview done in 2003. See: Wieder, Alan (2008). Teacher and Comrade: Richard Dudley and the fight for democracy in South Africa.] Despite being personally close to Mandela on Robben Island, Neville Alexander saw the position as minister of education as a compromise of his political principles to serve in a bourgeois government. Alexander answered Mandela on the letterhead of the socialist organization (WOSA) that he belongs to.
Since Kaumbi mentions the Black Consciousness Movement, it should be pointed out to him that those formations have moved on to socialism. The Azanian Manifesto, which is very relevant today, stated the main political principles as: i. antiracism and anti-imperialism, ii. non-collaboration with the oppressor and its political instruments, iii. independent working-class organizations, iv. opposition to all alliances with ruling-class parties. Coloureds should rather adhere to these political principles than to define themselves as ‘black’ as Kaumbi suggested.
The author of the Azanian Manifesto, Neville Alexander, also wrote the following in 2003: ‘Without any exaggeration, it may be said that what is demanded of the African middle classes in general, and of the African intelligentsia in particular, is no less than Amilcar Cabral’s almost forgotten demand that they ‘commit class suicide’. To put it in a nutshell: the so-called African revolution has not been consummated anywhere on the continent… Economic and, indirectly, concrete political, independence as well as a genuine and profound cultural revolution have yet to be attained.’ [See for example: Neville Alexander, An illuminating moment: Background to the Azanian Manifesto. In: Mngxitama, A. et al (ed.) (2008). Biko lives - Contesting the legacies of Steve Biko.] Namibians do not have uhuru yet. The Namibian revolution must still take place.
This is the time of black nationalism in southern Africa, but the political tide is busy changing. The political honeymoon is coming to an end. Kaumbi confuses the rule of black nationalism with social liberation. The latter represents a future without exploitation and injustice – a future where tribalism would be truly irrelevant.
Khomasdal Collective
Khomasdal