Ethiopia's Struggle for Democracy

By: *Berhanu Nega

WHEN we in Ethiopia's political opposition agreed to participate in the election that the government called in June, we were under no illusion that the process would be faultless.After all, Ethiopia has never known democracy.

The dictatorship of Mengistu Haile Mariam was Africa's most

blood-curdling Marxist regime, and was replaced by today's ruling

EPRDF, whose "Revolutionary Democracy" is but a more subtle

variation on the same theme.

So we knew that there would be problems with the election, that

voting would not be clean in the way Western countries take for

granted.

 

Yet we nonetheless believed that the opposition, led by the

Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), would have room to

manoeuvre and campaign, owing to the government's desire for

international legitimacy.

 

So we decided to test the waters and push for a real political

opening and a genuinely competitive vote.

 

Many Ethiopians appear to have agreed with this strategy.

 

The government did make some media available and engaged in more

than 10 live televised debates.

 

So, at least at first, there seemed to have been some intention

on the government's part to open up the process - if not

completely, then somewhat.

 

Now, however, it appears that the authorities wanted only a

small, managed opening, on the assumption that they could control

the outcome.

 

About a month before the election, the government began to shut

down the political space it had opened.

 

Its election campaign took on a vilifying tone, charging that

the opposition was bent on destroying ethnic groups through

genocide.

 

Indeed, it called the opposition "interahamwe," invoking the

memory of the Hutu militia that slaughtered 800 000 Rwandan Tutsis

in 1994.

 

The government also began to harass opposition parties,

especially in rural areas.

 

This was unpleasant, but tolerable.

 

So we continued campaigning.

 

But things became nastier a week before the vote.

 

Attendance at an official pro-government rally in the capital,

Addis Ababa, was dwarfed by our rally the following day, when

millions of demonstrators peacefully demanded change and showed

their support for us.

 

At that point, the government realised that its democratic

opening was slipping out of its control.

 

Two days before the vote, our poll watchers and supporters were

searched, arrested, and given one-day trials, with most sentenced

to one or two months in jail.

 

We feared that the voting would take place without the presence

of our poll watchers.

 

So we gave a press conference - all the opposition parties

together - the day before the vote, demanding that the government

release our party workers and allow people to vote freely.

 

Although the government met neither of these demands, the early

results clearly showed that the opposition was gaining a large

number of seats.

 

It became obvious that we were winning in many constituencies

and that we had won in Addis Ababa, as well as in most of the major

cities and the rural areas.

 

What was surprising was the magnitude of the victory.

 

In Addis Ababa, top government officials, including the

ministers of education and capacity building, lost, as did the

speaker of the House of People's Representatives.

 

In rural constituencies, opposition candidates defeated such

EPRDF heavyweights as the ministers of defence, information, and

infrastructure, along with the presidents of the two largest

regions, Oromia and Amhara.

 

The government wasted little time in responding: the next day,

it declared itself the winner, with not even half of the

constituencies reporting their results.

 

No surprise, then, that the public erupted in anger.

 

When university students protested, the police moved in, killing

one.

 

In demonstrations the following day, 36 more people were

killed.

 

Soon after, our office workers were detained, and Hailu Shawel,

Chairman of the CUD, and senior CUD official Lidetu Ayalew were put

under house arrest.

 

One hundred staff members were taken from our head office in

Addis Ababa alone, and many more from regional offices.

 

Up to 6 000 people were jailed - CUD members and even ordinary

citizens.

 

My fear is that the will of Ethiopia's people will be stifled by

government hardliners.

 

Doubts about the authenticity of the final results will create a

danger of instability.

 

Everyone - the government, the opposition, and the public - must

commit themselves to a peaceful resolution.

 

To restore calm before a recount can be held,

confidence-building measures are needed.

 

The military must be taken off the streets.

 

The ban on public demonstrations must be lifted.

 

Those in jail must be released or given a fair trial.

 

Those held simply because they do not support the government

must be freed and allowed to participate in the democratic

process.

 

The government-controlled media must be open to diverse

opinions; in particular, opposition access must be guaranteed.

 

Equally important, the international community must send

observers - and thus a clear signal to the government that any

attempt to maintain power by force or intimidation is

unacceptable.

 

The world must keep watching, just as it watched in Georgia,

Ukraine, Lebanon, and Palestine.

 

For the first time in our ancient history, we Ethiopians have

voted our conscience.

 

Our people have played their part with courage and

discipline.

 

They deserve the opportunity to build a genuine democratic

political system.

 

That is their only guarantee to live in peace and to achieve

prosperity.

 

- Project Syndicate * Dr.

 

Berhanu Nega is a member of the Executive Committee and Chairman

of the 2005 election campaign of the Coalition for Unity and

Democracy, Ethiopia's main opposition party.

 

He was formerly the President of the Ethiopian Economic

Association.

 

So we knew that there would be problems with the election, that

voting would not be clean in the way Western countries take for

granted.Yet we nonetheless believed that the opposition, led by the

Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), would have room to

manoeuvre and campaign, owing to the government's desire for

international legitimacy.So we decided to test the waters and push

for a real political opening and a genuinely competitive vote.Many

Ethiopians appear to have agreed with this strategy.The government

did make some media available and engaged in more than 10 live

televised debates.So, at least at first, there seemed to have been

some intention on the government's part to open up the process - if

not completely, then somewhat.Now, however, it appears that the

authorities wanted only a small, managed opening, on the assumption

that they could control the outcome.About a month before the

election, the government began to shut down the political space it

had opened.Its election campaign took on a vilifying tone, charging

that the opposition was bent on destroying ethnic groups through

genocide.Indeed, it called the opposition "interahamwe," invoking

the memory of the Hutu militia that slaughtered 800 000 Rwandan

Tutsis in 1994.The government also began to harass opposition

parties, especially in rural areas.This was unpleasant, but

tolerable.So we continued campaigning.But things became nastier a

week before the vote.Attendance at an official pro-government rally

in the capital, Addis Ababa, was dwarfed by our rally the following

day, when millions of demonstrators peacefully demanded change and

showed their support for us.At that point, the government realised

that its democratic opening was slipping out of its control.Two

days before the vote, our poll watchers and supporters were

searched, arrested, and given one-day trials, with most sentenced

to one or two months in jail.We feared that the voting would take

place without the presence of our poll watchers.So we gave a press

conference - all the opposition parties together - the day before

the vote, demanding that the government release our party workers

and allow people to vote freely.Although the government met neither

of these demands, the early results clearly showed that the

opposition was gaining a large number of seats.It became obvious

that we were winning in many constituencies and that we had won in

Addis Ababa, as well as in most of the major cities and the rural

areas.What was surprising was the magnitude of the victory.In Addis

Ababa, top government officials, including the ministers of

education and capacity building, lost, as did the speaker of the

House of People's Representatives.In rural constituencies,

opposition candidates defeated such EPRDF heavyweights as the

ministers of defence, information, and infrastructure, along with

the presidents of the two largest regions, Oromia and Amhara.The

government wasted little time in responding: the next day, it

declared itself the winner, with not even half of the

constituencies reporting their results.No surprise, then, that the

public erupted in anger.When university students protested, the

police moved in, killing one.In demonstrations the following day,

36 more people were killed.Soon after, our office workers were

detained, and Hailu Shawel, Chairman of the CUD, and senior CUD

official Lidetu Ayalew were put under house arrest.One hundred

staff members were taken from our head office in Addis Ababa alone,

and many more from regional offices.Up to 6 000 people were jailed

- CUD members and even ordinary citizens.My fear is that the will

of Ethiopia's people will be stifled by government

hardliners.Doubts about the authenticity of the final results will

create a danger of instability.Everyone - the government, the

opposition, and the public - must commit themselves to a peaceful

resolution.To restore calm before a recount can be held,

confidence-building measures are needed.The military must be taken

off the streets.The ban on public demonstrations must be

lifted.Those in jail must be released or given a fair trial.Those

held simply because they do not support the government must be

freed and allowed to participate in the democratic process.The

government-controlled media must be open to diverse opinions; in

particular, opposition access must be guaranteed.Equally important,

the international community must send observers - and thus a clear

signal to the government that any attempt to maintain power by

force or intimidation is unacceptable.The world must keep watching,

just as it watched in Georgia, Ukraine, Lebanon, and Palestine.For

the first time in our ancient history, we Ethiopians have voted our

conscience.Our people have played their part with courage and

discipline.They deserve the opportunity to build a genuine

democratic political system.That is their only guarantee to live in

peace and to achieve prosperity.- Project Syndicate * Dr.Berhanu

Nega is a member of the Executive Committee and Chairman of the

2005 election campaign of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy,

Ethiopia's main opposition party.He was formerly the President of

the Ethiopian Economic Association.

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