Promoting Democracy In The Greater Middle East
AMERICAN and European leaders are talking about the need to promote reform in the "Greater Middle East."
Americans see this as the key battleground in the war on terror,
and Europeans want stable, responsive governments that stem the
flow of illegal migration and organised crime.
Both sides accept that working with local partners for peaceful
democratic change today is the best way to avoid violent revolution
or military action tomorrow.
This enthusiasm for reform marks a paradigm shift.
In the past, other interests, such as securing a steady flow of
oil or obtaining cooperation on counter-terrorism, assumed
priority.
But, despite flourishing rhetoric about promoting democracy,
promoting it is still not backed with concrete plans of action.
A serious strategy must do three things: increase support for
the region's democrats; create a regional context that facilitates
democratic development; and, finally, reorganise ourselves at home
to pursue and sustain pro-democracy policies abroad.
First, while the West must play a critical supporting role,
change must come from within the region.
Our task is to strengthen indigenous political forces pushing
for democratic change.
In many countries, democratic activists sit in jail because of
their commitment to human rights - and little is done to help
them.
No senior American or European leader should visit the region
without raising human rights and defending individuals fighting for
democracy.
In practical terms, the West must increase its direct support
for local NGOs and campaigners (although in countries like Egypt it
will first need to get the Government to change the law so that
they can receive foreign funding).
Whereas the US now spends nearly $400 billion on defence, the
National Endowment for Democracy lives on a budget of some $40
million, a fraction of which is spent in the Greater Middle
East.
Support should be raised tenfold or even more to make a real
impact.
The EU should increase its democracy promotion efforts to at
least €500 million a year.
This money should be administered at arms-length from government
to ensure that it is not constrained by diplomatic pressures.
A new Trans-Atlantic Forum for Democracy Promotion could be
created to co-ordinate all activities in the region, including
bilateral programs pursued by European countries.
This could be supplemented by an independent Trust for Democracy
in the Middle East, to which Europe and the US contribute funds and
expertise.
As well as working at a grass roots level, policies on trade and
aid should be used to encourage governments to reform and enlarge
the space for legitimate political action.
Countries that make progress on democracy and good governance
should be rewarded; privileges should be withdrawn from those that
do not.
Second, the US and its European allies need to help create the
external security environment and regional context in which
democratic change can occur.
Providing security is crucial in fostering democratic
development.
As well as working to further peace between Israel and
Palestine, we must help Turkey succeed in turning itself into a
full-fledged democracy that qualifies for EU membership, renew
pressure on the Iranian regime for democracy and arms control, and
avoid premature disengagement from Iraq.
Working with moderate Arab states, we can create a new regional
security regime for the Greater Middle East, modelled on the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
The contribution of the Helsinki process in Europe was its
recognition that true peace required a new relationship between
rulers and ruled as well as between states.
It empowered societies to demand from their governments that
they behave properly.
In the Middle East, such a regime would mean giving Arab
countries incentives to sign up.
Meanwhile, NATO can provide the peacekeeping capabilities needed
to help rebuild Afghanistan and Iraq.
It can also promote more democratic practices in peacetime by
extending cooperation under a Middle East version of NATO's
Partnership-for-Peace program.
Finally, we must reorganise ourselves to sustain such a
course.
This means creating a new generation of diplomats and democracy
builders who know the region and its languages, as well as ensuring
that governments maintain their commitments over the long term.
Winning the war on terrorism will require a combination of
offence and defence.
For defence, the US created the Department of Homeland Security
and is transforming its military.
In Europe, the Commissioner for Justice and Home Affairs and the
High Representative on External Affairs are boosting Europe's
ability to tackle new threats.
But when it comes to offence, or most important missions -
building democracy, promoting a political transformation agenda,
and winning the hearts and minds of millions of ordinary people in
the region - remain buried deep in bureaucracy, deprived of the
necessary leadership, attention, and resources.
America needs to create a Department of Democracy Promotion
headed by a Cabinet-level official.
The Europeans should appoint a Commissioner for Democracy and
Human Rights Promotion.
The point of such a post would be to give leadership to efforts
to promote democratic change - and to create an effective
interlocutor for his/her American counterpart so that a joint
transatlantic strategy will take shape.
As the debate over the "Greater Middle East" grows heated, there
is a danger that Europeans and Americans will pursue competing
strategies.
Both sides have much to offer, so we should pool the best
proposals available and begin implementing them together.
* The writers of this piece are:
Urban Ahlin is chairman of the Swedish Parliament's foreign affairs
committee;
Ronald Asmus is Senior Fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the
United States;
Steven Everts is Research Fellow at the Centre for European Reform,
London;
Jana Hybaskova, is a former Czech ambassador to Kuwait;
Mark Leonard is Director of the Foreign Policy Centre,
London;
Michael McFaul, is a fellow of the Hoover Institution, Stanford
University;
and Michael Mertes, a former chief policy advisor to Helmut Kohl is
a partner at dimap consult, Bonn and Berlin.
Both sides accept that working with local partners for peaceful
democratic change today is the best way to avoid violent revolution
or military action tomorrow. This enthusiasm for reform marks a
paradigm shift.In the past, other interests, such as securing a
steady flow of oil or obtaining cooperation on counter-terrorism,
assumed priority.But, despite flourishing rhetoric about promoting
democracy, promoting it is still not backed with concrete plans of
action.A serious strategy must do three things: increase support
for the region's democrats; create a regional context that
facilitates democratic development; and, finally, reorganise
ourselves at home to pursue and sustain pro-democracy policies
abroad.First, while the West must play a critical supporting role,
change must come from within the region.Our task is to strengthen
indigenous political forces pushing for democratic change.In many
countries, democratic activists sit in jail because of their
commitment to human rights - and little is done to help them.No
senior American or European leader should visit the region without
raising human rights and defending individuals fighting for
democracy.In practical terms, the West must increase its direct
support for local NGOs and campaigners (although in countries like
Egypt it will first need to get the Government to change the law so
that they can receive foreign funding).Whereas the US now spends
nearly $400 billion on defence, the National Endowment for
Democracy lives on a budget of some $40 million, a fraction of
which is spent in the Greater Middle East.Support should be raised
tenfold or even more to make a real impact.The EU should increase
its democracy promotion efforts to at least €500 million a
year.This money should be administered at arms-length from
government to ensure that it is not constrained by diplomatic
pressures.A new Trans-Atlantic Forum for Democracy Promotion could
be created to co-ordinate all activities in the region, including
bilateral programs pursued by European countries.This could be
supplemented by an independent Trust for Democracy in the Middle
East, to which Europe and the US contribute funds and expertise.As
well as working at a grass roots level, policies on trade and aid
should be used to encourage governments to reform and enlarge the
space for legitimate political action.Countries that make progress
on democracy and good governance should be rewarded; privileges
should be withdrawn from those that do not.Second, the US and its
European allies need to help create the external security
environment and regional context in which democratic change can
occur.Providing security is crucial in fostering democratic
development.As well as working to further peace between Israel and
Palestine, we must help Turkey succeed in turning itself into a
full-fledged democracy that qualifies for EU membership, renew
pressure on the Iranian regime for democracy and arms control, and
avoid premature disengagement from Iraq.Working with moderate Arab
states, we can create a new regional security regime for the
Greater Middle East, modelled on the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe.The contribution of the Helsinki process in
Europe was its recognition that true peace required a new
relationship between rulers and ruled as well as between states.It
empowered societies to demand from their governments that they
behave properly.In the Middle East, such a regime would mean giving
Arab countries incentives to sign up.Meanwhile, NATO can provide
the peacekeeping capabilities needed to help rebuild Afghanistan
and Iraq.It can also promote more democratic practices in peacetime
by extending cooperation under a Middle East version of NATO's
Partnership-for-Peace program.Finally, we must reorganise ourselves
to sustain such a course.This means creating a new generation of
diplomats and democracy builders who know the region and its
languages, as well as ensuring that governments maintain their
commitments over the long term.Winning the war on terrorism will
require a combination of offence and defence.For defence, the US
created the Department of Homeland Security and is transforming its
military.In Europe, the Commissioner for Justice and Home Affairs
and the High Representative on External Affairs are boosting
Europe's ability to tackle new threats.But when it comes to
offence, or most important missions - building democracy, promoting
a political transformation agenda, and winning the hearts and minds
of millions of ordinary people in the region - remain buried deep
in bureaucracy, deprived of the necessary leadership, attention,
and resources.America needs to create a Department of Democracy
Promotion headed by a Cabinet-level official.The Europeans should
appoint a Commissioner for Democracy and Human Rights Promotion.The
point of such a post would be to give leadership to efforts to
promote democratic change - and to create an effective interlocutor
for his/her American counterpart so that a joint transatlantic
strategy will take shape.As the debate over the "Greater Middle
East" grows heated, there is a danger that Europeans and Americans
will pursue competing strategies.Both sides have much to offer, so
we should pool the best proposals available and begin implementing
them together.* The writers of this piece are:
Urban Ahlin is chairman of the Swedish Parliament's foreign affairs
committee;
Ronald Asmus is Senior Fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the
United States;
Steven Everts is Research Fellow at the Centre for European Reform,
London;
Jana Hybaskova, is a former Czech ambassador to Kuwait;
Mark Leonard is Director of the Foreign Policy Centre,
London;
Michael McFaul, is a fellow of the Hoover Institution, Stanford
University;
and Michael Mertes, a former chief policy advisor to Helmut Kohl is
a partner at dimap consult, Bonn and Berlin.