Africa: An Overview For the Press, the struggle continues
By: JULIA CRAWFORDALTHOUGH the number of journalists in prison in Africa at the end of 2003 was lower than the previous year, African journalists still faced a multitude of difficulties, including government harassment and physical assaults.
Many countries in Africa retain harsh press laws.
In the wake of the 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States,
some countries have also moved to introduce tough anti-terrorist
legislation, which journalists fear could be used to stifle civil
liberties, including press freedom.
For example, Uganda, which faces a rebellion in the north, used
its anti-terrorism law in 2003 to shutter a radio station for more
than a month.
Two journalists were killed in Ivory Coast, and another was shot
to death while reporting in Somalia.
Nineteen journalists were in prison for their work at year's
end, down from 26 in 2002.
Seventeen of them were imprisoned in Eritrea, which has silenced
its entire independent press corps.
The regime in Zimbabwe continued its efforts to do the same,
closing the country's only independent daily newspaper, the Daily
News, and banning much of the foreign press.
When Radio France Internationale's Jean Helene was killed by a
police officer in Ivory Coast on October 21, it came as a shocking
reminder of the risks that journalists face.
The Ivoirian government launched an inquiry, and on January 22
2004, the officer was convicted of killing the journalist.
Swift action to bring Helene's murderer to justice was a welcome
contrast to the usual pattern in Africa, where all too frequently
journalists have been killed with impunity.
For example, an investigation into the 1998 murder of
independent journalist Norbert Zongo in Burkina Faso was still
ongoing at the end of 2003, having produced few results.
In a rare case of a journalist's murderers being brought to
justice, a Mozambican court sentenced six men to lengthy prison
sentences for the November 2000 murder of journalist Carlos
Cardoso.
However, many local journalists believe that the masterminds of
Cardoso's killing remain at large.
During the trial, several of the defendants said that the
president's eldest son, Nymphine Chissano, had ordered the
journalist's murder.
Chissano has denied any connection to the killing.
On May 3, World Press Freedom Day, CPJ included Eritrea and Togo
on its list of the "World's Worst Places to Be a Journalist."
Eritrea, which has been Africa's leading jailer of journalists
since 2001, was featured on the list for the second year in a
row.
During the last three years, Togolese authorities have
ruthlessly harassed and jailed journalists and censored
publications that criticised President Gnassingbé Eyadema,
who was re-elected in 2003.
Unfortunately, Togo was not the only country where the prospect
of elections caused repressive regimes to tighten the screws on the
independent press.
It was also an election year for Rwanda, where the editor of the
only independent newspaper was jailed for a month after reporting
that former Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu would run against
the incumbent, Paul Kagame.
The paper had also printed a satirical cartoon implying that
Kagame would decide the election's outcome.
In Cameroon, where President Paul Biya faces elections in 2004,
authorities have moved against broadcast media that criticise the
government.
In Guinea, where incumbent President Lansana Conte was declared
the overwhelming winner of polls that the opposition boycotted,
officials banned foreign magazines that ran articles questioning
the status quo.
Elections also occurred in Nigeria, where the press, which is
relatively free, exercised self-censorship during the polling out
of apparent concern for political stability.
Thus, the widespread fraud, irregularities, and voter
intimidation alleged by the opposition and election observers were
not highlighted in the Nigerian media.
Many African countries retain legislation that allows them to
bring criminal charges against journalists, and some have used this
to crush dissent.
For example, a journalist was jailed in Niger after reporting on
government malpractice.
And in Sierra Leone, the critical daily For Di People was closed
by a series of lawsuits, while its editor faces a criminal trial
that could result in a prison sentence.
Local and international press freedom groups continued to lobby
for the decriminalisation of press offences.
But countries such as Togo, Zimbabwe, the Gambia, and Ethiopia
have moved to introduce harsh new press laws that boost, rather
than reduce, authorities' powers to clamp down on the press.
This is also the case in Somaliland, which claims independence
from Somalia, although it is not internationally recognised.
Ethiopia's government has responded to journalists' criticism of
draft press legislation by consulting with them, but at year's end
there was little evidence of transparency in the process, and
authorities had suspended the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists
Association, which was one of the most vocal local opponents of the
draft law.
Even countries such as Senegal and Kenya, hailed as examples of
democracy, have exhibited worrying trends.
In October, Senegal's government expelled a Radio France
Internationale correspondent, accusing her of "tendentious"
reporting on the rebellion in the southern Casamance Region.
Kenyan authorities brought criminal charges against a journalist
from the country's oldest newspaper, the East African Standard,
after it printed excerpts of leaked confessions in a sensitive
police inquiry.
Some of these attacks on the press have captured the headlines,
but many other stories of daily harassment and intimidation have
not.
Local journalists in war-torn countries such as the Democratic
Republic of Congo, Liberia, Central African Republic, Burundi, and
Somalia face constant danger while trying to cover the news.
The governments of Rwanda and Gabon have been conducting
campaigns of censorship and harassment against the independent
press, as have authorities on Tanzania's semiautonomous island of
Zanzibar.
Although the press in mainland Tanzania is relatively free, the
government of Zanzibar in November shuttered the island's only
independent newspaper, which had been running articles critical of
the government.
Oil-rich Equatorial Guinea drew only minimal international
attention when it jailed one of the few independent journalists in
the country.
African governments frequently mention ethnic tensions and
"irresponsibility" of the press as reasons to retain draconian laws
against press offences.
They often cite the example of Rwanda, where media such as
Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines helped to
fuel the 1994 genocide.
In December, the UN's International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
convicted three Rwandan former media executives of genocide,
conspiracy and incitement to genocide, and crimes against humanity,
confirming the criminal role that the media played in the 1994
genocide, which left some 800 000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus dead in
just over three months.
The three accused were given prison sentences ranging from 35
years to life.
In 2003, there was also growing international concern about
partisan and provocative reporting in Ivory Coast, where both
pro-government and pro-rebel media have inflamed tensions,
undermining the fragile peace process and possibly increasing the
level of violence.
While the motive for the murder of journalist
Hélène is unknown, it occurred in an atmosphere of
xenophobia and anti-French feeling that had been fuelled by the
local media.
Media professionalism remains a legitimate cause for
concern.
The first complaint of many journalists' organisations in Africa
is low pay and lack of training, both of which may increase the
temptation for journalists to accept bribes.
But the governments that complain most about lack of
professionalism in the media are often those that attack press
freedoms.
Governments often abuse legislation against hate speech and
ethnic discrimination to suppress legitimate criticism in the
press.
Radio remains the only effective way to bring information to the
majority of people in most African countries, where high rates of
illiteracy and the costs of print media often confine newspapers'
influence to elite circles.
Rwanda, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Zimbabwe, Guinea, and Equatorial
Guinea have no independent radio stations.
Nevertheless, some positive developments have occurred.
For example, the new transition government in Liberia has
invited Star Radio to return.
The popular, independent station, an initiative of the
Switzerland-based Hirondelle Foundation, was closed by former
President Charles Taylor in 2000.
Private radio stations in Burundi faced down a government ban on
interviewing rebels and exposed weaknesses in a sensitive murder
inquiry.
Meanwhile, globalisation and the spread of mobile phones and the
Internet have given journalists in Africa, as elsewhere, a new
medium to exchange information and build solidarity.
- Committee to Protect Journalists * Julia Crawford, CPJ's
Africa program co-ordinator, along with Adam Posluns, Africa
research associate, and Alexis Arieff, research and special
projects associate, researched and wrote this section.
Kate Davenport, former BBC correspondent in Abidjan, contributed
the summary on Ivory Coast.
The summary on the Democratic Republic of Congo was written by
Stephanie Wolters, former chief news editor for Radio Okapi in
Kinshasa.
In the wake of the 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States,
some countries have also moved to introduce tough anti-terrorist
legislation, which journalists fear could be used to stifle civil
liberties, including press freedom.For example, Uganda, which faces
a rebellion in the north, used its anti-terrorism law in 2003 to
shutter a radio station for more than a month.Two journalists were
killed in Ivory Coast, and another was shot to death while
reporting in Somalia.Nineteen journalists were in prison for their
work at year's end, down from 26 in 2002.Seventeen of them were
imprisoned in Eritrea, which has silenced its entire independent
press corps.The regime in Zimbabwe continued its efforts to do the
same, closing the country's only independent daily newspaper, the
Daily News, and banning much of the foreign press.When Radio France
Internationale's Jean Helene was killed by a police officer in
Ivory Coast on October 21, it came as a shocking reminder of the
risks that journalists face.The Ivoirian government launched an
inquiry, and on January 22 2004, the officer was convicted of
killing the journalist.Swift action to bring Helene's murderer to
justice was a welcome contrast to the usual pattern in Africa,
where all too frequently journalists have been killed with
impunity.For example, an investigation into the 1998 murder of
independent journalist Norbert Zongo in Burkina Faso was still
ongoing at the end of 2003, having produced few results.In a rare
case of a journalist's murderers being brought to justice, a
Mozambican court sentenced six men to lengthy prison sentences for
the November 2000 murder of journalist Carlos Cardoso.However, many
local journalists believe that the masterminds of Cardoso's killing
remain at large.During the trial, several of the defendants said
that the president's eldest son, Nymphine Chissano, had ordered the
journalist's murder.Chissano has denied any connection to the
killing.On May 3, World Press Freedom Day, CPJ included Eritrea and
Togo on its list of the "World's Worst Places to Be a
Journalist."Eritrea, which has been Africa's leading jailer of
journalists since 2001, was featured on the list for the second
year in a row.During the last three years, Togolese authorities
have ruthlessly harassed and jailed journalists and censored
publications that criticised President Gnassingbé Eyadema,
who was re-elected in 2003.Unfortunately, Togo was not the only
country where the prospect of elections caused repressive regimes
to tighten the screws on the independent press.It was also an
election year for Rwanda, where the editor of the only independent
newspaper was jailed for a month after reporting that former Prime
Minister Faustin Twagiramungu would run against the incumbent, Paul
Kagame.The paper had also printed a satirical cartoon implying that
Kagame would decide the election's outcome.In Cameroon, where
President Paul Biya faces elections in 2004, authorities have moved
against broadcast media that criticise the government.In Guinea,
where incumbent President Lansana Conte was declared the
overwhelming winner of polls that the opposition boycotted,
officials banned foreign magazines that ran articles questioning
the status quo.Elections also occurred in Nigeria, where the press,
which is relatively free, exercised self-censorship during the
polling out of apparent concern for political stability.Thus, the
widespread fraud, irregularities, and voter intimidation alleged by
the opposition and election observers were not highlighted in the
Nigerian media.Many African countries retain legislation that
allows them to bring criminal charges against journalists, and some
have used this to crush dissent.For example, a journalist was
jailed in Niger after reporting on government malpractice.And in
Sierra Leone, the critical daily For Di People was closed by a
series of lawsuits, while its editor faces a criminal trial that
could result in a prison sentence.Local and international press
freedom groups continued to lobby for the decriminalisation of
press offences.But countries such as Togo, Zimbabwe, the Gambia,
and Ethiopia have moved to introduce harsh new press laws that
boost, rather than reduce, authorities' powers to clamp down on the
press.This is also the case in Somaliland, which claims
independence from Somalia, although it is not internationally
recognised.Ethiopia's government has responded to journalists'
criticism of draft press legislation by consulting with them, but
at year's end there was little evidence of transparency in the
process, and authorities had suspended the Ethiopian Free Press
Journalists Association, which was one of the most vocal local
opponents of the draft law.Even countries such as Senegal and
Kenya, hailed as examples of democracy, have exhibited worrying
trends.In October, Senegal's government expelled a Radio France
Internationale correspondent, accusing her of "tendentious"
reporting on the rebellion in the southern Casamance Region.Kenyan
authorities brought criminal charges against a journalist from the
country's oldest newspaper, the East African Standard, after it
printed excerpts of leaked confessions in a sensitive police
inquiry.Some of these attacks on the press have captured the
headlines, but many other stories of daily harassment and
intimidation have not.Local journalists in war-torn countries such
as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Central African
Republic, Burundi, and Somalia face constant danger while trying to
cover the news.The governments of Rwanda and Gabon have been
conducting campaigns of censorship and harassment against the
independent press, as have authorities on Tanzania's semiautonomous
island of Zanzibar.Although the press in mainland Tanzania is
relatively free, the government of Zanzibar in November shuttered
the island's only independent newspaper, which had been running
articles critical of the government.Oil-rich Equatorial Guinea drew
only minimal international attention when it jailed one of the few
independent journalists in the country.African governments
frequently mention ethnic tensions and "irresponsibility" of the
press as reasons to retain draconian laws against press
offences.They often cite the example of Rwanda, where media such as
Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines helped to
fuel the 1994 genocide.In December, the UN's International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda convicted three Rwandan former media executives
of genocide, conspiracy and incitement to genocide, and crimes
against humanity, confirming the criminal role that the media
played in the 1994 genocide, which left some 800 000 Tutsis and
moderate Hutus dead in just over three months.The three accused
were given prison sentences ranging from 35 years to life.In 2003,
there was also growing international concern about partisan and
provocative reporting in Ivory Coast, where both pro-government and
pro-rebel media have inflamed tensions, undermining the fragile
peace process and possibly increasing the level of violence.While
the motive for the murder of journalist Hélène is
unknown, it occurred in an atmosphere of xenophobia and anti-French
feeling that had been fuelled by the local media.Media
professionalism remains a legitimate cause for concern.The first
complaint of many journalists' organisations in Africa is low pay
and lack of training, both of which may increase the temptation for
journalists to accept bribes.But the governments that complain most
about lack of professionalism in the media are often those that
attack press freedoms.Governments often abuse legislation against
hate speech and ethnic discrimination to suppress legitimate
criticism in the press.Radio remains the only effective way to
bring information to the majority of people in most African
countries, where high rates of illiteracy and the costs of print
media often confine newspapers' influence to elite circles.Rwanda,
Ethiopia, Eritrea, Zimbabwe, Guinea, and Equatorial Guinea have no
independent radio stations.Nevertheless, some positive developments
have occurred.For example, the new transition government in Liberia
has invited Star Radio to return.The popular, independent station,
an initiative of the Switzerland-based Hirondelle Foundation, was
closed by former President Charles Taylor in 2000.Private radio
stations in Burundi faced down a government ban on interviewing
rebels and exposed weaknesses in a sensitive murder
inquiry.Meanwhile, globalisation and the spread of mobile phones
and the Internet have given journalists in Africa, as elsewhere, a
new medium to exchange information and build solidarity.- Committee
to Protect Journalists * Julia Crawford, CPJ's Africa program
co-ordinator, along with Adam Posluns, Africa research associate,
and Alexis Arieff, research and special projects associate,
researched and wrote this section.Kate Davenport, former BBC
correspondent in Abidjan, contributed the summary on Ivory
Coast.The summary on the Democratic Republic of Congo was written
by Stephanie Wolters, former chief news editor for Radio Okapi in
Kinshasa.