26.03.2004

A Diagnostic View Of Opposition Politics

By: Dr Rihupisa Kandando

I AM challenged to engage in the ongoing national debate on the need to have 'one major, strong opposition party in Namibia' as a response to the ruling Swapo Party.

This view is prevalent among some Namibian opposition political

parties, political analysts, former prominent political figures and

members of the public.

The advocates and proponents of 'one major strong opposition

party' see this as a viable proposition at a time when opposition

parties are lean, if not skeletal.

 

This is also being realised at a time when opposition parties

are failing miserably to win seats during elections.

 

Apparently the new agenda is: Vertical integration is out,

alliances are in.

 

Having been engaged with this question as a member of the

progressive forces during the struggle for national liberation

against apartheid South Africa, experience dictates that there are

practical questions to be answered.

 

It is of utmost importance to realise that formation of

traditional political parties in Namibia prior to Independence was

a dialectical response in some cases against South African colonial

occupation and in other cases formed by South African colonial

regime as a response to the Namibian national liberation

movement.

 

These groups include Swanu, Swapo, DTA, UDF.

 

After independence, the only new political party formed was the

Congress of Democrats (CoD).

 

It is my submission, at least from my Swanu political

background, that the operations of any political party must - as a

matter of principle - be related to their political principles,

orientation and ideology.

 

In other words, it is my perspective and expectation that

credible political parties are not formed in a vacuum but that

their existence is dictated rather by historical and dialectical

materialism.

 

This theory postulates that the world is a unity of two

opposites.

 

In other words, it is my expectation that the existence of

political parties must be for the sake of advancing certain

political principles and convictions and not for the sake of

convenience.

 

During the struggle for national independence and freedom

against the South African colonial occupation, the national

liberation movement set for themselves the agenda of repossessing

what was taken from the Namibian people.

 

The national liberation movement adopted the policy of

non-collaboration with the colonial regime as a tactic of

frustrating the South African neo-colonial political dispensation

in Namibia.

 

In this process, the national liberation movement (as

represented both by Swanu and Swapo) emasculated the South African

neo-colonial political dispensation in Namibia to a point of

fatigue.

 

The national liberation movement denied credibility and

legitimacy to the presence of the South African regime in

Namibia.

 

The opposition to the presence of South African colonial forces,

firstly as nationalist forces, secondly, political and ideological

proximity to each other, put both Swanu and Swapo in the same

opposition camp.

 

This is not only evidenced by the 1985/86 Ai Gams Grouping but

goes as far as the 1973-75 National Convention (NC) and Namibia

National Convention (NNC).

 

It is important to note that political parties whose orientation

and inclination were diametrically opposed to those of Swanu and

Swapo did not join these anti-colonial platforms whose aim was to

express their opposition to the South African presence in Namibia

and to struggle for speedier implementation of Resolution 435.

 

On the other hand, it must be noted that the current opposition

parties such as the DTA, (Nudo and Republican Party as constituent

members of DTA), MAG (as represented then by AKTUR, National Party

of SWA) all participated in the South African-sponsored Turnhalle

Constitutional Conference (1975), National Assembly and Council of

Ministers (1979-80), Second-Tier Authorities, Transitional

Government of National Unity (1985-89), and, by the definition of

members of national liberation movement, they were not considered

as opposition parties to the South African regime, because the

constitutional measures they were advocating in Namibia with the

assistance and backing of South Africa were in conflict with the

principles of decolonisation as developed by the United

Nations.

 

This part of history might look to some of our people as a

tumultuous event of the past that has disappeared under the bridge

of history and has no bearing on the debate about opposition

parties in contemporary Namibia.

 

But as a student of a national liberation movement based on

political principles, convictions and ideology who hopes to

contribute to the charting of the new chapter, I beg to differ with

those who hold these views.

 

The proponents of one major strong opposition party in Namibia

are treating the issue as if opposition parties are homogeneous,

amorphous and amoeba-like formations without features, essentials

and characteristics.

 

The proponents are advancing their arguments as if they do not

have experience of the sustainability politics of both

pre-independent and post-independent opposition parties.

 

Firstly, political parties have their own identity and

uniqueness that must be recognized and therefore must not be lumped

together for the sake of short-term convenience and expediency.

 

The recognition of this identity is a catalyst to anticipate the

future and predict whether the opposition politics are sustainable

or not.

 

The record of Swapo as a ruling party over the last 14 years,

despite its previous progressive tradition, is not compatible with

its historical text during the struggle for national

liberation.

 

An element of ideological revisionism has set in to such an

extent that the pre-independence wishes, desires and aspirations

are fading away.

 

Gone are the days of comradeship, solidarity, social justice,

One Namibia One Nation, mutual assistance, mutual respect, one for

all and all for one.

 

Swapo, since independence, has been infiltrated by elements who

do not have the ideological understanding and sentimental

attachment to the pre-independent demands, and therefore the

Party's progressive tradition is being hijacked for opportunistic

and petty personal considerations.

 

It is my submission that crime, poverty, hunger, unemployment,

corruption and HIV/AIDS that are confronting the Government in

particular, and Namibian people in general, are symptoms of a

socio-economic and political order that can only be addressed

through ideological clarity.

 

It is therefore my submission that there is a need for a major

strong opposition party in Namibia to remind Swapo of the Namibian

historical text; to defend the heritage of the national liberation

struggle and nurture and inculcate democratic values and

principles, to enable plurality of political opinion and functional

multi-party democracy.

 

The question in my mind is whether the current opposition

parties have the necessary progressive credentials to improve on

the relative performance of Swapo.

 

The answer is a big NO.

 

Can opposition politics in Namibia in the short-term be

sustained? The answer again, is a big NO.

 

The mere fact that politics in Namibia is not issue-orientated

makes it difficult for the sustainability of opposition

politics.

 

The mere fact that the joining of political parties by members

is not necessarily dictated by political convictions but rather by

personal gains, makes it difficult for the sustainability of

opposition politics.

 

It is no secret that before independence a sizeable number of

prominent political figures, traditional leaders and

businessmen/women were aligned to those parties that had a strong

connection with the South African regime, and now, after

Independence, are joining Swapo.

 

This is not necessarily dictated by conviction but personal gain

and the politics of the belly.

 

Former political activists and party leaders in the opposition

parties during and after Independence have either joined the ruling

party or have become 'community activists', 'technocrats',

businessmen/women in the name of an attempt not to disclose their

political allegiance.

 

As classic examples, a 25+ year-old prominent youth leader

joined CoD twice and Swapo twice; a prominent political figure from

1960's to 2004 joined Swapo approximately three times and the DTA

(NUDO) three times; another political figure stayed in the DTA for

most of his life and then joined Swapo for one month (December)

only to rejoin NUDO (January).

 

These are facts and evidence to demonstrate that in Namibia

either we have ideological compatibility among political parties or

there is a complete lack of political conviction and understanding

if, politically-speaking, parties are different, but people are

treating them as if they are the same.

 

These are not new phenomena.

 

During the liberation struggle, the national liberation movement

witnessed the spectacle of some of their supposedly staunchest

members defecting to the Pretoria regime, and throwing in their

miserable lot with the partitionists and supine followers of the

Turnhalle's formula for Namibia.

 

The opposition parties are now losing to the ruling party.

 

While, in principle, a major strong opposition party is needed,

the resurgence of splinter parties with tribal undertones within

opposition parties themselves; lack of policy perspectives based on

ideological position; lack of leadership qualities; opportunism of

moving from one party to another within a shorter period of time

because of personal gains (politics of the belly), fear,

intolerance, lack of financial resources, lack of human resources

because of fear (remember the 'jobs for comrades only' and

'acquaintance with Swapo manifesto'), lack of political convictions

as well as past political history, all remain impediments and

challenges facing the opposition politics in Namibia.

 

My humble and sincere submission is that opposition parties in

Namibia are heterogeneous, and as such, their internal chemistry

must clearly be understood before sweeping statements on mergers,

alliances and fronts are made.

 

They have different approaches, origins, orientations and

inclinations.

 

* The author is a former lecturer and HoD at Unam.

 

Specialist in Clinical Biochemistry (M.Sc) Marine Sciences

(Ph.D) trained at the Universities of Leeds and Surrey, UK.

 

He is also Swanu President.

 

Views in this article are expressed in his personal

capacity.

 

The advocates and proponents of 'one major strong opposition party'

see this as a viable proposition at a time when opposition parties

are lean, if not skeletal.This is also being realised at a time

when opposition parties are failing miserably to win seats during

elections.Apparently the new agenda is: Vertical integration is

out, alliances are in.Having been engaged with this question as a

member of the progressive forces during the struggle for national

liberation against apartheid South Africa, experience dictates that

there are practical questions to be answered.It is of utmost

importance to realise that formation of traditional political

parties in Namibia prior to Independence was a dialectical response

in some cases against South African colonial occupation and in

other cases formed by South African colonial regime as a response

to the Namibian national liberation movement.These groups include

Swanu, Swapo, DTA, UDF.After independence, the only new political

party formed was the Congress of Democrats (CoD).It is my

submission, at least from my Swanu political background, that the

operations of any political party must - as a matter of principle -

be related to their political principles, orientation and

ideology.In other words, it is my perspective and expectation that

credible political parties are not formed in a vacuum but that

their existence is dictated rather by historical and dialectical

materialism.This theory postulates that the world is a unity of two

opposites.In other words, it is my expectation that the existence

of political parties must be for the sake of advancing certain

political principles and convictions and not for the sake of

convenience.During the struggle for national independence and

freedom against the South African colonial occupation, the national

liberation movement set for themselves the agenda of repossessing

what was taken from the Namibian people.The national liberation

movement adopted the policy of non-collaboration with the colonial

regime as a tactic of frustrating the South African neo-colonial

political dispensation in Namibia.In this process, the national

liberation movement (as represented both by Swanu and Swapo)

emasculated the South African neo-colonial political dispensation

in Namibia to a point of fatigue.The national liberation movement

denied credibility and legitimacy to the presence of the South

African regime in Namibia.The opposition to the presence of South

African colonial forces, firstly as nationalist forces, secondly,

political and ideological proximity to each other, put both Swanu

and Swapo in the same opposition camp.This is not only evidenced by

the 1985/86 Ai Gams Grouping but goes as far as the 1973-75

National Convention (NC) and Namibia National Convention (NNC).It

is important to note that political parties whose orientation and

inclination were diametrically opposed to those of Swanu and Swapo

did not join these anti-colonial platforms whose aim was to express

their opposition to the South African presence in Namibia and to

struggle for speedier implementation of Resolution 435.On the other

hand, it must be noted that the current opposition parties such as

the DTA, (Nudo and Republican Party as constituent members of DTA),

MAG (as represented then by AKTUR, National Party of SWA) all

participated in the South African-sponsored Turnhalle

Constitutional Conference (1975), National Assembly and Council of

Ministers (1979-80), Second-Tier Authorities, Transitional

Government of National Unity (1985-89), and, by the definition of

members of national liberation movement, they were not considered

as opposition parties to the South African regime, because the

constitutional measures they were advocating in Namibia with the

assistance and backing of South Africa were in conflict with the

principles of decolonisation as developed by the United

Nations.This part of history might look to some of our people as a

tumultuous event of the past that has disappeared under the bridge

of history and has no bearing on the debate about opposition

parties in contemporary Namibia.But as a student of a national

liberation movement based on political principles, convictions and

ideology who hopes to contribute to the charting of the new

chapter, I beg to differ with those who hold these views.The

proponents of one major strong opposition party in Namibia are

treating the issue as if opposition parties are homogeneous,

amorphous and amoeba-like formations without features, essentials

and characteristics.The proponents are advancing their arguments as

if they do not have experience of the sustainability politics of

both pre-independent and post-independent opposition

parties.Firstly, political parties have their own identity and

uniqueness that must be recognized and therefore must not be lumped

together for the sake of short-term convenience and expediency.The

recognition of this identity is a catalyst to anticipate the future

and predict whether the opposition politics are sustainable or

not.The record of Swapo as a ruling party over the last 14 years,

despite its previous progressive tradition, is not compatible with

its historical text during the struggle for national liberation.An

element of ideological revisionism has set in to such an extent

that the pre-independence wishes, desires and aspirations are

fading away.Gone are the days of comradeship, solidarity, social

justice, One Namibia One Nation, mutual assistance, mutual respect,

one for all and all for one.Swapo, since independence, has been

infiltrated by elements who do not have the ideological

understanding and sentimental attachment to the pre-independent

demands, and therefore the Party's progressive tradition is being

hijacked for opportunistic and petty personal considerations.It is

my submission that crime, poverty, hunger, unemployment, corruption

and HIV/AIDS that are confronting the Government in particular, and

Namibian people in general, are symptoms of a socio-economic and

political order that can only be addressed through ideological

clarity.It is therefore my submission that there is a need for a

major strong opposition party in Namibia to remind Swapo of the

Namibian historical text; to defend the heritage of the national

liberation struggle and nurture and inculcate democratic values and

principles, to enable plurality of political opinion and functional

multi-party democracy.The question in my mind is whether the

current opposition parties have the necessary progressive

credentials to improve on the relative performance of Swapo.The

answer is a big NO.Can opposition politics in Namibia in the

short-term be sustained? The answer again, is a big NO.The mere

fact that politics in Namibia is not issue-orientated makes it

difficult for the sustainability of opposition politics.The mere

fact that the joining of political parties by members is not

necessarily dictated by political convictions but rather by

personal gains, makes it difficult for the sustainability of

opposition politics.It is no secret that before independence a

sizeable number of prominent political figures, traditional leaders

and businessmen/women were aligned to those parties that had a

strong connection with the South African regime, and now, after

Independence, are joining Swapo.This is not necessarily dictated by

conviction but personal gain and the politics of the belly.Former

political activists and party leaders in the opposition parties

during and after Independence have either joined the ruling party

or have become 'community activists', 'technocrats',

businessmen/women in the name of an attempt not to disclose their

political allegiance.As classic examples, a 25+ year-old prominent

youth leader joined CoD twice and Swapo twice; a prominent

political figure from 1960's to 2004 joined Swapo approximately

three times and the DTA (NUDO) three times; another political

figure stayed in the DTA for most of his life and then joined Swapo

for one month (December) only to rejoin NUDO (January).These are

facts and evidence to demonstrate that in Namibia either we have

ideological compatibility among political parties or there is a

complete lack of political conviction and understanding if,

politically-speaking, parties are different, but people are

treating them as if they are the same.These are not new

phenomena.During the liberation struggle, the national liberation

movement witnessed the spectacle of some of their supposedly

staunchest members defecting to the Pretoria regime, and throwing

in their miserable lot with the partitionists and supine followers

of the Turnhalle's formula for Namibia.The opposition parties are

now losing to the ruling party.While, in principle, a major strong

opposition party is needed, the resurgence of splinter parties with

tribal undertones within opposition parties themselves; lack of

policy perspectives based on ideological position; lack of

leadership qualities; opportunism of moving from one party to

another within a shorter period of time because of personal gains

(politics of the belly), fear, intolerance, lack of financial

resources, lack of human resources because of fear (remember the

'jobs for comrades only' and 'acquaintance with Swapo manifesto'),

lack of political convictions as well as past political history,

all remain impediments and challenges facing the opposition

politics in Namibia.My humble and sincere submission is that

opposition parties in Namibia are heterogeneous, and as such, their

internal chemistry must clearly be understood before sweeping

statements on mergers, alliances and fronts are made.They have

different approaches, origins, orientations and inclinations.* The

author is a former lecturer and HoD at Unam.Specialist in Clinical

Biochemistry (M.Sc) Marine Sciences (Ph.D) trained at the

Universities of Leeds and Surrey, UK.He is also Swanu

President.Views in this article are expressed in his personal

capacity.