Will Angola Elections Be Free And Fair?
By: JUSTIN PEARCEANGOLA's long-delayed national elections seemed to take a step closer this month, when the country's most influential government body advised President José Eduardo dos Santos on a target date of September 2006 for the poll.
The Council of the Republic declared that the elections "should be
preceded by a legal and well-defined framework and the creation of
technical, material, and financial conditions, as assurance of a
fair and transparent electoral process."
Angolans have not had the chance to vote since 1992.
That first and last multi-party election, narrowly won by the
incumbent MPLA party, followed a peace agreement aimed at ending a
15-year civil war between the MPLA and the UNITA rebels.
The election ended in chaos, as UNITA supporters were killed in
the capital, while UNITA once again took up arms and seized large
areas of the interior.
The ensuing decade of war made elections impossible, despite the
government's mandate technically having expired in 1997.
The new peace agreement that followed the death in 2002 of UNITA
leader Jonas Savimbi, and the decimation of UNITA's forces, once
again raised hopes of a democratic future for Angola.
It is encouraging to note that the government seems committed
not only to elections, but also to a "fair and transparent
electoral process".
The question is, how far does Angola need to travel before free
and fair elections become a realistic prospect? Recent research by
Human Rights Watch suggests a troubling discrepancy between Luanda,
where some basic freedoms are starting to take root, and the
interior of the country, where the repressive climate of the war
years still prevails.
In the capital, the Catholic broadcaster, Rádio Ecclesia,
hosts phone-ins that provide a forum for lively and unfettered
debate.
Half a dozen independent weekly papers pull no punches in
condemning government policy and exposing corruption.
And although the police do still occasionally move in to break
up peaceful demonstrations, there is no doubt that it is now easier
to stage a legal protest than it was during the war.
Yet in the provinces of the interior, out of sight of the media
and the diplomatic corps, the picture is very different.
In February this year, when the citizens of Cafunfo, in the
diamond fields of north-eastern Angola, took to the streets to
protest at the removal of the diesel generators that had provided
their neighbourhood with electricity, the police and security
guards opened fire.
Fifteen people were reported killed, including a 10-year-old boy
and two teenage girls.
Police arrested 17 people, three of whom are since believed to
have died in detention, while the rest remain in custody without
access to family or lawyers.
In some remote towns, political opposition groups have faced
violence and threats simply for trying to organise party
branches.
UNITA members, now trying to rebuild civilian structures, told
us how soldiers and government supporters had attacked the building
where UNITA had set up a new branch office in the town of Kalima,
in Huambo province.
The attackers allegedly carried automatic weapons; the victims
recounted how they broke into the building, tried to burn it down,
and assaulted the UNITA officials inside.
UNITA was only narrowly defeated by the MPLA in the 1992 polls,
and is today the group with the best chance of becoming a political
counterweight to the ruling party.
Its future as a political party will depend on its ability to
mobilise in places like Huambo province, where its core support is
based.
Free and diverse media are another prerequisite for free and
fair elections.
Yet the advances in press freedom made in the last few years
barely extend beyond the coast.
The private weekly papers are difficult to come by outside of
Luanda; in any case, a third of Angolan adults cannot read, and few
can afford papers that sell on the street for 120 kwanzas
(N$9.00).
Even in Luanda, editors and journalists operate in fear of harsh
libel laws.
Felizberto Graca Campos, editor of the weekly Seminário
Angolense, recently faced five criminal libel suits after an
article that named Angola's richest men; all of them had government
or MPLA connections.
Campos received a suspended prison sentence on the first count,
was acquitted on the second, and the others are still pending.
The government controls the only daily newspaper, and the only
terrestrial television station.
State media are subsidised to the tune of more than US$30
million a year, a sum far greater than the subsidies paid to other
state-owned industries; meanwhile, the private papers battle to
survive on meagre advertising revenues.
Radio, the most accessible medium in Angola as elsewhere in the
continent, is government-controlled in most parts of the country,
with private stations broadcasting only in a handful of cities near
the coast.
Rádio Ecclesia, respected in Luanda as the most reliable
source of independent news, recently installed new transmitters and
announced it would be starting test broadcasts in other
provinces.
The media minister, Hendrick Vaal Neto, responded by telling
Angola's Catholic bishops that such transmissions would be
illegal.
Never mind the fact that Ecclesia has long held a licence valid
for the whole country, and that previously it was only technical
constraints that confined it to Luanda.
This mismatch between positive legislation and questionable
practice on the part of the government is a recurring theme in
HRW's Angolan research.
The multi-party constitution that came into force before the
1992 elections promised free expression, the right to form
political parties, and the right to protest peacefully: in other
words, all the freedoms necessary for participation in the
democratic process.
The return to war eroded those freedoms.
Peace may have brought some relief, yet the restrictions that
remain are sufficient to undermine the principles of democratic
governance.
The government of Angola now needs to make sure that opposition
leaders and supporters be granted the opportunity to express their
views peacefully without fear of reprisals.
The government should also lift the remaining restrictions on
the private media, and in particular allow non-government radio
stations to broadcast throughout the country.
Angola's neighbours, many of which have themselves enjoyed huge
advances in personal and political liberty in the last 15 years,
need to encourage this often-neglected country to make a reality of
the kind of freedoms that are expected in any democratic
society.
Only when that is achieved will Angola, its neighbours, and the
rest of the world, be able to celebrate that the country has, at
last, shaken itself free from the legacy of war.
Justin Pearce was one of the authors of the report by Human
Rights Watch, Unfinished Democracy: Media and Political Freedoms in
Angola.
Angolans have not had the chance to vote since 1992.That first and
last multi-party election, narrowly won by the incumbent MPLA
party, followed a peace agreement aimed at ending a 15-year civil
war between the MPLA and the UNITA rebels.The election ended in
chaos, as UNITA supporters were killed in the capital, while UNITA
once again took up arms and seized large areas of the interior.The
ensuing decade of war made elections impossible, despite the
government's mandate technically having expired in 1997.The new
peace agreement that followed the death in 2002 of UNITA leader
Jonas Savimbi, and the decimation of UNITA's forces, once again
raised hopes of a democratic future for Angola.It is encouraging to
note that the government seems committed not only to elections, but
also to a "fair and transparent electoral process".The question is,
how far does Angola need to travel before free and fair elections
become a realistic prospect? Recent research by Human Rights Watch
suggests a troubling discrepancy between Luanda, where some basic
freedoms are starting to take root, and the interior of the
country, where the repressive climate of the war years still
prevails.In the capital, the Catholic broadcaster, Rádio
Ecclesia, hosts phone-ins that provide a forum for lively and
unfettered debate.Half a dozen independent weekly papers pull no
punches in condemning government policy and exposing corruption.And
although the police do still occasionally move in to break up
peaceful demonstrations, there is no doubt that it is now easier to
stage a legal protest than it was during the war.Yet in the
provinces of the interior, out of sight of the media and the
diplomatic corps, the picture is very different.In February this
year, when the citizens of Cafunfo, in the diamond fields of
north-eastern Angola, took to the streets to protest at the removal
of the diesel generators that had provided their neighbourhood with
electricity, the police and security guards opened fire.Fifteen
people were reported killed, including a 10-year-old boy and two
teenage girls.Police arrested 17 people, three of whom are since
believed to have died in detention, while the rest remain in
custody without access to family or lawyers.In some remote towns,
political opposition groups have faced violence and threats simply
for trying to organise party branches.UNITA members, now trying to
rebuild civilian structures, told us how soldiers and government
supporters had attacked the building where UNITA had set up a new
branch office in the town of Kalima, in Huambo province.The
attackers allegedly carried automatic weapons; the victims
recounted how they broke into the building, tried to burn it down,
and assaulted the UNITA officials inside.UNITA was only narrowly
defeated by the MPLA in the 1992 polls, and is today the group with
the best chance of becoming a political counterweight to the ruling
party.Its future as a political party will depend on its ability to
mobilise in places like Huambo province, where its core support is
based.Free and diverse media are another prerequisite for free and
fair elections.Yet the advances in press freedom made in the last
few years barely extend beyond the coast.The private weekly papers
are difficult to come by outside of Luanda; in any case, a third of
Angolan adults cannot read, and few can afford papers that sell on
the street for 120 kwanzas (N$9.00).Even in Luanda, editors and
journalists operate in fear of harsh libel laws.Felizberto Graca
Campos, editor of the weekly Seminário Angolense, recently
faced five criminal libel suits after an article that named
Angola's richest men; all of them had government or MPLA
connections.Campos received a suspended prison sentence on the
first count, was acquitted on the second, and the others are still
pending.The government controls the only daily newspaper, and the
only terrestrial television station.State media are subsidised to
the tune of more than US$30 million a year, a sum far greater than
the subsidies paid to other state-owned industries; meanwhile, the
private papers battle to survive on meagre advertising
revenues.Radio, the most accessible medium in Angola as elsewhere
in the continent, is government-controlled in most parts of the
country, with private stations broadcasting only in a handful of
cities near the coast.Rádio Ecclesia, respected in Luanda as
the most reliable source of independent news, recently installed
new transmitters and announced it would be starting test broadcasts
in other provinces.The media minister, Hendrick Vaal Neto,
responded by telling Angola's Catholic bishops that such
transmissions would be illegal.Never mind the fact that Ecclesia
has long held a licence valid for the whole country, and that
previously it was only technical constraints that confined it to
Luanda.This mismatch between positive legislation and questionable
practice on the part of the government is a recurring theme in
HRW's Angolan research.The multi-party constitution that came into
force before the 1992 elections promised free expression, the right
to form political parties, and the right to protest peacefully: in
other words, all the freedoms necessary for participation in the
democratic process.The return to war eroded those freedoms.Peace
may have brought some relief, yet the restrictions that remain are
sufficient to undermine the principles of democratic governance.The
government of Angola now needs to make sure that opposition leaders
and supporters be granted the opportunity to express their views
peacefully without fear of reprisals.The government should also
lift the remaining restrictions on the private media, and in
particular allow non-government radio stations to broadcast
throughout the country.Angola's neighbours, many of which have
themselves enjoyed huge advances in personal and political liberty
in the last 15 years, need to encourage this often-neglected
country to make a reality of the kind of freedoms that are expected
in any democratic society.Only when that is achieved will Angola,
its neighbours, and the rest of the world, be able to celebrate
that the country has, at last, shaken itself free from the legacy
of war.Justin Pearce was one of the authors of the report by Human
Rights Watch, Unfinished Democracy: Media and Political Freedoms in
Angola.