Editor's Note: The US attack on the Iraqi city of Fallujah has
awakened a newly militant nationalism among Shi'ites now eager to
fight occupation forces, based on Muslim religious identity and
feelings of Arab nationalism.
"He was only 10," Subhi says, "but he was a man."
Subhi is from Hurriya, a Shiite slum with a sizeable Sunni
minority.
Mountains of rotting garbage choke the alleys where children
play.
Sewage still floods many streets, a testament to both Saddam-era
neglect and the failures of the American-led reconstruction
effort.
Neighbourhoods like this bore the brunt of Saddam Hussein's
anti-Shiite policies.
Yet people here are rallying to Fallujah, a city full of former
members of Saddam's Mukhabarat and Republican Guard, both of which
joined in the brutal suppression of Shi'ites under the Baath
regime.
"They were counting on a Sunni-Shiite split in Iraq, but we are
one hand," Subhi says.
"We will be victorious, God willing."
The American attack on Fallujah has awakened a newly militant
nationalism among Shi'ites, now eager to fight the US-led
occupation, based on Muslim religious identity and feelings of Arab
nationalism.
"Don't underestimate nationalism," says Wamidh Nadhmi, a
professor of political science at Baghdad University.
"And don't exaggerate Shiite-Sunni differences, but remember
that they are both Arabs.
There is no religion called Shiism and no religion called
Sunnism.
They are both Muslims."
Subhi went with a convoy of 22 young men, driving six trucks and
four cars full of donations.
None had ever been to Fallujah -- ordinarily about an hour's
drive away -- in their lives.
Subhi wanted to join the Fallujans in fighting American
forces.
Once-friendly Shiite neighbourhoods here now blame the
American-led occupation government for failing to bring back
electricity, clean water and jobs.
"From the beginning, we supported the liberation of Iraq by
Americans," says an unemployed market porter from the Shiite slum
of Sadr City who chose to give his name as Abu Ali, father of the
Shiite martyr Ali.
Ali was disappointed, then angry he could find no job in Iraq's
new, Shiite-friendly government.
"Bremer, at the beginning, was a brother," says Ali, leaning
against a sack of grain in Sadr City's Jamila Wholesale Market.
"But now he is worse than Saddam.
Saddam said about us that we are a mob.
And Bremer said the same thing - he said that we are
criminals."
Ali was reacting to US authorities' arrest warrant against
Moqtada Sadr, the firebrand Shiite cleric whose Mahdi Army has been
battling coalition forces ever since the US Army padlocked his
newspaper on March 28.
Like many moderate Shi'ites, Ali is not a follower of Sadr, but
he supports Sadr's opposition to American forces.
"The contacts between Moqtada Sadr and the Fallujah resistance
are not as significant as the sympathy between the Shi'ites and the
people of Fallujah," says Adnan al-Janabi, sheik of the powerful
Janabi tribe, which like many large Iraqi tribes contains both
Shiite and Sunni members.
"And if it moves beyond sympathy - if the Americans continue to
make more mistakes, for example if they attack Najaf - probably
they will create a real organization between the Shi'ites of Najaf
and the Sunnis."
Sadr has capitalised on the nationalist feelings aroused by the
attack on Fallujah.
"America was fighting what it called the Sunni Triangle, so that
it wouldn't receive help from its Shiite brothers in other areas,"
reads one flyer circulating in Shiite neighbourhoods.
"But Arab identity, and feelings of religious and nationalist
responsibility, filled Sayyid Moqtada Sadr and his righteous fellow
clerics to the core."
Nevertheless, in Shiite slums, it is Fallujah, more than Sadr
himself, which is the rallying cry.
"This is for Fallujah," says Ali Sa'addoun Abadi, picking up a
packet of cotton pads from a pile heaped on the floor of his tiny
storefront on busy Hurriya Street.
"They are Iraqis -- there is no difference between Shi'ites and
Sunnis.
We are fighting the Americans."
According to Abadi, about 200 people donated a total of roughly
1 million Iraqi dinars - about $700, in increments of about $3.50
each.
"Donations from the people of Street 39 to the mujahideen,"
reads one packet of grubby bills in small denominations.
US military commanders have claimed that some 700 Iraqis killed
in Fallujah were Sunni "insurgents."
Arab satellite channels have been beaming footage of dead and
injured women and children since the conflict began.
Fallujah's refugees are pouring into Baghdad, bringing tales of
carnage.
"I saw it with my own eyes:they shelled all of Fallujah," says
Subhi, collapsing into an armchair, exhausted after his return
journey.
He and other from his neighbourhood brought about 400 refugees
back with them.
"Stores, houses - they shelled indiscriminately."
After they distributed the donations, passing out medicine and
food, Subhi and the other young men went to the mujahideen and
asked if they could join the fight against American troops.
The Fallujans turned them down.
"They said we were their guests," says Subhi.
"They told us they had enough fighters to achieve victory."
- Pacific News Service
* PNS contributor Annia Ciezadlo is a Beirut-based freelance
writer who reports frequently from Iraq.
Subhi is from Hurriya, a Shiite slum with a sizeable Sunni
minority.Mountains of rotting garbage choke the alleys where
children play.Sewage still floods many streets, a testament to both
Saddam-era neglect and the failures of the American-led
reconstruction effort.Neighbourhoods like this bore the brunt of
Saddam Hussein's anti-Shiite policies.Yet people here are rallying
to Fallujah, a city full of former members of Saddam's Mukhabarat
and Republican Guard, both of which joined in the brutal
suppression of Shi'ites under the Baath regime."They were counting
on a Sunni-Shiite split in Iraq, but we are one hand," Subhi
says."We will be victorious, God willing."The American attack on
Fallujah has awakened a newly militant nationalism among Shi'ites,
now eager to fight the US-led occupation, based on Muslim religious
identity and feelings of Arab nationalism."Don't underestimate
nationalism," says Wamidh Nadhmi, a professor of political science
at Baghdad University."And don't exaggerate Shiite-Sunni
differences, but remember that they are both Arabs.There is no
religion called Shiism and no religion called Sunnism.They are both
Muslims."Subhi went with a convoy of 22 young men, driving six
trucks and four cars full of donations.None had ever been to
Fallujah -- ordinarily about an hour's drive away -- in their
lives.Subhi wanted to join the Fallujans in fighting American
forces.Once-friendly Shiite neighbourhoods here now blame the
American-led occupation government for failing to bring back
electricity, clean water and jobs."From the beginning, we supported
the liberation of Iraq by Americans," says an unemployed market
porter from the Shiite slum of Sadr City who chose to give his name
as Abu Ali, father of the Shiite martyr Ali.Ali was disappointed,
then angry he could find no job in Iraq's new, Shiite-friendly
government."Bremer, at the beginning, was a brother," says Ali,
leaning against a sack of grain in Sadr City's Jamila Wholesale
Market."But now he is worse than Saddam.Saddam said about us that
we are a mob.And Bremer said the same thing - he said that we are
criminals."Ali was reacting to US authorities' arrest warrant
against Moqtada Sadr, the firebrand Shiite cleric whose Mahdi Army
has been battling coalition forces ever since the US Army padlocked
his newspaper on March 28.Like many moderate Shi'ites, Ali is not a
follower of Sadr, but he supports Sadr's opposition to American
forces."The contacts between Moqtada Sadr and the Fallujah
resistance are not as significant as the sympathy between the
Shi'ites and the people of Fallujah," says Adnan al-Janabi, sheik
of the powerful Janabi tribe, which like many large Iraqi tribes
contains both Shiite and Sunni members."And if it moves beyond
sympathy - if the Americans continue to make more mistakes, for
example if they attack Najaf - probably they will create a real
organization between the Shi'ites of Najaf and the Sunnis."Sadr has
capitalised on the nationalist feelings aroused by the attack on
Fallujah."America was fighting what it called the Sunni Triangle,
so that it wouldn't receive help from its Shiite brothers in other
areas," reads one flyer circulating in Shiite neighbourhoods."But
Arab identity, and feelings of religious and nationalist
responsibility, filled Sayyid Moqtada Sadr and his righteous fellow
clerics to the core."Nevertheless, in Shiite slums, it is Fallujah,
more than Sadr himself, which is the rallying cry."This is for
Fallujah," says Ali Sa'addoun Abadi, picking up a packet of cotton
pads from a pile heaped on the floor of his tiny storefront on busy
Hurriya Street."They are Iraqis -- there is no difference between
Shi'ites and Sunnis.We are fighting the Americans."According to
Abadi, about 200 people donated a total of roughly 1 million Iraqi
dinars - about $700, in increments of about $3.50 each."Donations
from the people of Street 39 to the mujahideen," reads one packet
of grubby bills in small denominations.US military commanders have
claimed that some 700 Iraqis killed in Fallujah were Sunni
"insurgents."Arab satellite channels have been beaming footage of
dead and injured women and children since the conflict
began.Fallujah's refugees are pouring into Baghdad, bringing tales
of carnage."I saw it with my own eyes:they shelled all of
Fallujah," says Subhi, collapsing into an armchair, exhausted after
his return journey.He and other from his neighbourhood brought
about 400 refugees back with them."Stores, houses - they shelled
indiscriminately."After they distributed the donations, passing out
medicine and food, Subhi and the other young men went to the
mujahideen and asked if they could join the fight against American
troops.The Fallujans turned them down."They said we were their
guests," says Subhi."They told us they had enough fighters to
achieve victory."- Pacific News Service* PNS contributor Annia
Ciezadlo is a Beirut-based freelance writer who reports frequently
from Iraq.